Children’s Drawings Seized in Closed Roboski Association
Roboski monument has been removed, Roboski Association closed and its “assets” seized. Roboski Association Encü said, “They took away the paintings and crayons of the children of Roboski and left”.
Justice for Roboski (Robozik), Peace for the Earth Foundation was forced to halt its operations first and later shut down in the Statutory Decree No. 679.
Roboski monument in a park on Dicle Provincial boulevard was removed four days ago.
Two days later, the association's assets which consisted of tables, chairs and computers were seized.
We have talked to the President of the Association, Veli Öncü who was also in custody for seven days on charge of "propagandizing for an [illegal] organization".
Öncü has explained that they had been making rehabilitation through arts with children between the age of eight and 15, who have lost their relatives in Roboski massacre. Öncü reported that the materials they used in their studies and the paintings and drawings made by the children were seized.
Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) Şırnak Deputy Ferhat Encü, who also lost 11 acquaintances in Roboski massacre will attend the hearing before Cizre 3rd Criminal Court of Justice today (January 12) through an audio and visual information system.
Custody over Roboski tweets
The President of the association, Veli Öncü had been taken into custody on December 25, 2016 and released after seven days in detention.
Accused of "propagandizing for a terrorist organization" Encü noted that he had been taken into custody over two tweets. The first one was "Roboski massacre in its fifth year" and added "there was also a photograph of the families attending the commemoration. They attached even that photograph in the criminal file.
"And then there was the tweet in which I wrote 'One can't look for human rights in a country where murderers are protected'. I was charged with 'propagandizing for the terrorist organization' on that ground".
What had happened?
On December 28, 2011, 34 people were hit by fighter jets in Uludere district of Şırnak province in southeastern Turkey. On June 11, 2013, Public Prosecution of Diyarbakır decided of non-jurisdiction about the case due to "reckless homicide" and sent the case to Military Prosecution of General Staff.
Military Prosecution decided not to prosecute the case further on January 7, 2014. Lawyers of the victims' families objected to the decision, but they were rejected.
Following this, the case was brought before the Constitutional Court.
In a preliminary administrative examination of the application and its attachments, the court demanded some missing documents in the application to be submitted yet the application was rejected on February 24, 2015 due to "outstanding documents not being submitted in time".
The 281 applicants affected by Roboski Massacre made an application to the European Court of Human Right on August 23, 2016 claiming human rights violations, the right to life in particular. (AS/DG)
Boğaziçi Üniversitesi Felsefe Bölümü mezunu. Mimar Sinan Güzel Sanatlar Üniversitesi Sosyoloji bölümünde yüksek lisans yaptı. Vatan, Akşam, HaberTürk ve Hürriyet gazetelerinin yazıişleri ve dış haberler...
Boğaziçi Üniversitesi Felsefe Bölümü mezunu. Mimar Sinan Güzel Sanatlar Üniversitesi Sosyoloji bölümünde yüksek lisans yaptı. Vatan, Akşam, HaberTürk ve Hürriyet gazetelerinin yazıişleri ve dış haberler bölümünde çalıştı. Güncel Hukuk dergisinde yazıları yayınlandı. BirGün’de Anonim adlı köşeyi yazıyor. 2011’den bu yana bianet’te İnsan Hakları Editörü.
A university student diagnosed with bipolar disorder has been released from pretrial detention after being arrested during protests sparked by the detention of İstanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu.
The student, whose identity has not been disclosed, was among at least 301 people, most of them students, who were detained and later arrested during demonstrations held across Turkey. Over 1,800 people were taken into custody during the protests.
Protesters have been held in pretrial detention for about two weeks on charge of violating the Law on Meetings and Demonstrations, an offense that typically does not lead to actual prison time even if a sentence is issued.
The student's lawyer, Bilal Yıldız, told bianet that his release was approved by a judgeship today following an appeal.
“My client was wrongfully arrested,” Yıldız said. “We submitted an appeal to the Criminal Court of First Instance. Although the release decision came late, it is welcome. The family is very happy. Our fight will continue until an acquittal is secured. Justice has been served.”
Yıldız previously told bianet that the student had serious health problems in prison due to lack of access to prescribed medication.
He also claimed that officers from the Counterterrorism and Cyber Crimes Units verbally abused and physically assaulted the student while transferring them to a hospital. Despite that, medical reports after examinations of the detainees said there was "no battery or coercion."
The protests broke out following the Mar 19 detention of Mayor İmamoğlu and quickly spread across the country. During the demonstrations, many students alleged mistreatment during detention. Families of the detained formed a solidarity network and called for their children’s release.
Background
İstanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu and dozens of others, most of them municipal officials, were detained in police raids on the morning of Mar 19. The operation came just days before İmamoğlu was expected to be declared the Republican People’s Party (CHP) candidate in the party’s presidential primary scheduled for Mar 23.
Authorities have launched two separate investigations involving a total of 106 suspects. One centers on terrorism-related charges, while the other involves alleged corruption.
The terrorism probe focuses on the CHP’s cooperation with the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party during last year’s local elections. The two parties collaborated at the district level, with DEM refraining from fielding candidates in some areas to support the CHP, while in other districts, DEM members ran on CHP lists and were elected to municipal councils. This strategy, dubbed the “urban consensus,” helped the CHP win 26 out of İstanbul’s 39 district municipalities and secure a majority in the metropolitan council.
Prosecutors allege that this alliance was orchestrated by the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), citing public statements by PKK leaders during the campaign urging cooperation with the opposition. The first arrest linked to the investigation was Esenyurt Mayor Ahmet Özer, a Kurdish academic, who was jailed and removed from office in January. Ten more officials from six district municipalities were arrested in February. The investigation has since expanded to include İmamoğlu.
The corruption investigation, which affects 100 of the 106 suspects, involves allegations of bribery, embezzlement, fraud, and bid rigging in municipal subsidiaries. İmamoğlu is accused of leading a criminal organization for profit.
The CHP has described the operation as a "coup" against an elected mayor and called for public demonstrations. Saraçhane Square, in front of the metropolitan municipality building, has become the focal point of protests, where CHP leader Özgür Özel addresses large crowds each evening.
University students have also staged protests in various cities. While most gatherings have remained peaceful, clashes between demonstrators and police have led to daily detentions. Dozens more have been detained in home raids linked to the protests.
Authorities imposed internet restrictions on the morning of İmamoğlu’s detention, severely slowing access to major social media and messaging platforms. The bandwidth throttling, which rendered many apps nearly unusable, lasted for around 42 hours.
Additionally, the Interior Ministry has detained numerous individuals over protest-related posts on social media. Court orders have blocked access to various leftist and student group accounts.
On Mar 23, İmamoğlu was remanded in custody on corruption-related charges while the court ruled an arrest for terrorism-related charges was not necessary. A total of 51 people were remanded in custody, 48 on accusations related to financial misconduct and three to terrorism. Those who were arrested in the terrorism investigation are Mahir Polat, deputy secretary-general of the Metropolitan Municipality, and mayor and deputy mayor of the Şişli district. Forty-eight other suspects were released on judicial control measures.
Q&A WITH SIRRI SÜREYYA ÖNDER ON KURDISH PEACE TALKS
'We come from a long past, and we are thinking about a long future'
We spoke with Sırrı Süreyya Önder, one of the key figures in discussions on resolving the Kurdish question, about the often-overlooked aspects of peace processes.
Photo from Sırrı Süreyya Önder's personal archive showing him in parliament.
What is Sırrı Süreyya Önder’s hometown? Is he Kurdish or Alevi? Which films did he make? These are among the most frequently asked questions about him online. But his story is far too deep and complex to be captured by search engines.
His life, which began in 1962 in Adıyaman, has been a journey from long-distance driving to years in prison, from cinema to politics. He collected stories from every corner of Turkey, bringing them both to the screen and to the public squares. When he entered politics, he didn’t stop telling stories—this time, raising his voice to declare that peace and a shared future were possible. During the previous resolution process to the Kurdish question, it was he who read the letter of peace to millions on Mar 21, 2015.
Sırrı Süreyya Önder is now on the road again: “We are traveling for peace with our hearts in our hands.”
As one of the most prominent figures in the discussions on a solution to the Kurdish issue, Önder was part of the İmralı delegation, which visited PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan three times, culminating in Öcalan’s historic call for the disarmament of the militant group on Feb 27.
We spoke with Sırrı Süreyya Önder, a man of long journeys and weighty words, about what is often overlooked in peace processes—and the current spirit of this one.
Meeting with Öcalan again
How does it feel for you to be in the delegation that met with Abdullah Öcalan? You saw him after years. What went through your mind at first?
I would like to answer this question by adding a personal context.
For me, pioneering politicians are, among other things, people who are in search of the truth, and this truth is public. In politics, it is not the position of the person, but rather the content of what is being expressed, spoken, and what is to be solved that attracts my attention. In other words, the goal or objective is primary for me. What we are talking about is social peace. For this, even small opinions, or opinions that may be simple for some people, are as valuable as values. Issues such as the Kurdish question and peace have always been issues that have been thought about but blocked at the point of feeling.
Feeling is understood as representing something or an idea. At the same time, when feeling is limited to a conceptless vision and confined to an emotional sphere, it is either left to one side or rendered devoid of content. In this sense, Öcalan is reconsidering a book that has almost lost its balance, the Kurds and Turks, and I am witnessing it, and the first thing that comes to my mind is that this is a historic moment and opportunity. We come from a long past and we are thinking about a long future, and from this a sense of a human race that is alive, equal, just and free... An effort to regenerate a dried branch. This is what goes through my mind...
Members of the Imrali delegation, Abdullah Öcalan and other prisoners Ömer Hayri Konar, Hamili Yıldırım and Veysi Aktaş on Feb 27, 2025. (DEM Party)
What was the mood of the delegation on the way to the talks? What thoughts occupied you along the way? And under a downpour of criticism, anxiety and reproach.
When we can't solve something, we feel frustrated. We have an attitude of dementia regarding some social and political problems. We take some medicines, but walking (suggestion, solution and promise) is as important as medicines. We are on the road for the second time... This is what distinguishes us from the ‘idle doers’: Moving. As we move, our brains and hearts open up, our perceptions increase, our level of consciousness rises, and we stand against spiritual erosion. We want to walk and of course someone will want to stop us.
In this sense, I can say about politics what Schopenhauer once said about philosophy: “Politics is a monster with many heads, each of which speaks in a different language... A politician is like a ruffian who shouts at night and disturbs people...” We were on the road, and the only map we had was İmralı... This was where the road led, and our ideal of a politician was someone who was always on the road... We were on the road again with our comrades... It is important to be understood by everyone, but it is more important to understand, develop and transform ourselves on this road. The road in front of us and the road behind us were both ours. Moreover, there were thousands of years behind us and Öcalan was weaving a rope to get out of a well that had been deepened by the rulers for years...
Me and Pervin Buldan were talking about these things on this journey.
'The angel of history'
As someone who was involved in the first process and is now once again part of this new phase, how would you define the struggle for peace in terms of a human lifetime?
Fighting for peace makes you young, and if the results are achieved, you are happy. There is a metaphor we inherited from Walter Benjamin called the Angel of History. This angel's face is turned towards the past... What appears to us as a chain of events, he sees as a single catastrophe, a catastrophe that keeps piling up the ruins and throwing them at his feet. The angel wants to stay here a little longer, to bring the dead back to life, to put the broken pieces back together. This is what I want to do in this three-day world before I go away like this angel, and I am happy to be in the company of those who want to do it. The angel cannot do it because he is called to heaven and there is no death in his life. I, on the other hand, want to see peace... The road I am walking on tells me to walk more. Like in the folk song.
Life is but a breath...
Every person tries to make sense of their life. It's nice to make sense of it with peace and freedom. It suits human beings. Sometimes a person exceeds his/her lifetime. We owe it to those who dedicated their lives to this before us.
His daughter Ceren visiting Önder at the Kocaeli Type-F High Security Prison, where he was incarcerated for about 10 months starting in late 2018.
What is the difference between your feelings during the first Resolution Process and today? How has there been a change between your hopes then and your expectations today? If you were to make a comparison, what would you say was harder/easier or different?
I mentioned the angel of history, I don't want to repeat myself; I have already expressed my feelings. The difference between two periods or two processes is related to the change of the parties, and difference already means change and every change produces movement; each party determines the difference in its own way, maybe we can call it a period of comparison and attribution of meanings. The ultimate solution is to eliminate the differences and reach a solution...
'Trying to cleanse ourselves from the sins of ages'
Looking back, is there anything you wish you could have done differently?
The only door to expressions like “we could have done it differently” or “it didn't happen” is guilt, and when you walk through this door, you are greeted by two things: Regret and sinfulness. There is nothing I regret and take the sin upon myself. We are trying to be cleansed from the sins of ages. In this matter, there is something that we see in history, philosophy and art: Forgiveness and absolution. The aim is to make the pain disappear... As long as the pain exists, the punishment and the crime grows. We have tried, we are trying again, and because we have given our lives to this, I have no regrets. I worry about when and how much we can do...
What were the most difficult or lonely moments in this process?
There is nothing that makes me feel lonely except stupidity. It is hard to deal with that. For example, Nevşin Mengü wanted me to be sent to Iran or Saudi Arabia for an internship to experience reaction. And she demanded this in a very lumpen language. Ertuğrul Özkök was obsessed with my smiley face and wrote three articles. He said that I constituted a hierarchy among those whose rights had been violated in the struggle for rights, where he never moved from his place even for a single day. I think it was my smile he was obsessed with. One day I will send him photos of me smiling while undergoing surgery and going to prison. He can listen to those who know me, he can read from those who write their memoirs, I am a person who does not forget to smile even during torture and death fasts. Sometimes I have difficulty in the face of this and similar stupidity.
What do you do in such times?
I anchor in the harbor of calm and courage. Because there is a rocky bottom with a very solid composition. The rest is the judgment of history. We will see together or with a few missing people.
*Önder, Pervin Buldan and Ahmet Türk. (DEM Party)
Peace
Should peace be seen only as a negotiation process, or is peace also a change in social memory and emotions?
It is necessary to see peace as peace...
What do you think are the biggest misconceptions in such processes?
It is necessary to avoid erroneous information, dogmatic statements such as this issue cannot be solved. The biggest mistakes are erroneous information and some criteria used to categorize erroneous information, which does not lead to an idea. Now an idea has emerged through Öcalan and we are all at the stage of this idea becoming flesh and blood. It is patience and time that matures the idea...
When you think about how the previous process ended, what is the possibility that worries you the most?
I don't want to think about negativity and bad endings, and it is not appropriate to talk about anxiety now. Fear and anxiety is when there is no idea, but now there is an idea.
What was the psychological atmosphere in your meetings with Devlet Bahçeli? Was he sincere when he spoke to you, or did you feel more of a political distance? And I am also curious about this, you were criticized for “praising” him in the Habertürk broadcast, what do you think about that?
Criticism is a serious thing; it is not necessary to be upset when it happens, but when it does not. Criticism is necessary to answer a question, to solve a problem, and it is even a guide, a map for the walking I have been talking about; as long as it is consistent, appropriate and adequate... Mr. Bahçeli shattered many taboos with a flick of his wrist. Let us remember what these are. He said that this republic is also the republic of the Kurds, and banished the denial of ‘Kurdish origin’ from language and official discourse. He invited Mr. Ocalan to the Parliament. He used the concept of “Founding Leader”. Most importantly, he said, “Let's build the future together.” I owe a debt of gratitude to everyone who said half of this.
As much as peace is a political matter for you...
Let me finish the question with one sentence: Peace is everyone living their own life... (TY/VK)
bianet LGBTİ+ haberleri editörü. "1 Mayıs 1977 Kayıplarını Yakınları Anlatıyor/1 Mayıs 1977 ve Cezasızlık" dosyasını hazırladı. Ege Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Felsefe bölümü mezunu. 2019 yılından...
bianet LGBTİ+ haberleri editörü. "1 Mayıs 1977 Kayıplarını Yakınları Anlatıyor/1 Mayıs 1977 ve Cezasızlık" dosyasını hazırladı. Ege Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Felsefe bölümü mezunu. 2019 yılından beri "Küba" isimli köpekle ev arkadaşı.
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